The War on Media in the Philippines

In a country plagued by a brutal war on drugs, the Philippine government poses another challenge for its journalists: a war on media.

Although the Southeast Asian country is outside of an active war zone such as Syria or Iraq, it is ranked as one of the top five most dangerous countries to be a journalist. In Asia, the Philippines is the deadliest country for journalists.

Source | Radio Free Europe Library

Freedom of the Press is Oppressed

President Rodrigo Duterte pulls the strings in this war on media in the Philippines. His anti-media rhetoric and the war on drugs, which has claimed over 20, 000 lives, plunged the country into one of its worst human rights crisis. Although Duterte might have run on a campaign declaring a war on drugs, his presidency subsequently produced a war on media.

Duterte silences journalists and publications for being critical of his anti-drug campaign. His vilification of media outlets creates a hostile environment for Philippine reporters and infringes on their rights to a free press.

Out of 180 countries, the Philippines ranked 133 in Reporters Without Borders’ 2018 World Press Freedom Index. Philippine press freedom is oppressed under Duterte.

Duterte amplifies this hostile environment for journalists with his harsh language. Upon his election, Duterte said, “Just because you’re a journalist you are not exempted from assassination, if you’re a son of a bitch. Freedom of expression cannot help you if you have done something wrong.” He has even slammed media news outlets such as broadcast network, ABS-CBN, and national newspaper, Philippine Daily Inquirer for “not behaving”—or for not producing favorable coverage of his drug war.

With an approval rating of 86 percent, Duterte does not show any signs of backing down.

However, neither do journalists. Most recently, the online news site Rappler lost its operating license when its ownership became questioned by none other than Duterte himself. Rappler’s CEO Maria Ressa is spearheading a movement against Duterte, and she calls on fellow journalists to fight for their right to a free press. Amidst threats, Philippine journalists are not backing down.

The Philippine war on media is being fought hard on both sides: between the government and journalists and their supporters.

Caught in the Crossfire

Within the past decade, from 2008 to 2018, 80 journalists have been killed in the Philippines. Although, only about half of these deaths have a confirmed motive. In recent years, from 2016 to 2018, six journalists have been murdered—four of which occurred under Duterte’s administration. Deaths, attacks and threats against the press continue to characterize journalism as a dangerous practice in Duterte’s Philippines.

Source | CNN Philippines

Larry Que, a former publisher of a weekly community newspaper called Catanduanes News Now, was the first journalist to be killed under Duterte’s watch. Que was shot in the head by gunmen on a motorcycle in December 2016 while entering an office building.

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has not declared whether the death was work-related. Although, Que was shot soon after publishing a column about “official negligence” over an illegal methamphetamine laboratory that was recently raided by police.

After Que’s death, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines urged Duterte to utilize the Presidential Task Force on Media Security (PTFOMS), a multi-agency task force meant to ensure a “safe environment for media workers”, that was created in October 2016. Comprised of a team of investigators and prosecutors, the PTFOMS seeks to bring assailants to justice, further investigate media killings and ensure the safety of journalists.

But to no avail. Despite this task force, reporters in the Philippines receive virtually no support from Duterte and the government.

Filipino journalists carry mock coffins to symbolize the deaths of journalists in November 2012. Since then, at least 20 journalists have been killed in the Philippines. | Human Rights Watch

Months after Que’s death, in March 2017, fellow journalist Joaquin Briones was also shot by gunmen on a motorcycle. Briones was a columnist for the national tabloid newspaper Remate, and he died on the spot after sustaining four gunshot wounds.

Briones’ murderers fled the scene and remain unidentified, even though the PTFOMS launched an investigation into Briones’ murder. Nevertheless, the Task Force declared his death as work-related.

Lydia Buena, Remate‘s managing editor, believes Briones’ murder is linked to his “hard-hitting” reporting on sensitive topics, including the drug trade. She added that Briones received “many death threats” and earned “several enemies” in the local community.

Briones is one of at least five identified journalists that was killed in 2017, and the death toll has continued into 2018. Even with the existence of the PTFOMS, Filipino journalists remain in danger.

On May 1, Edmund Sestoso became the first journalist to be killed in the Philippines in 2018. Like previous journalist killings, the radio reporter was shot by a motorcycle gunman. Sestoso was on his way home after recording his popular morning Dumaguete City-local programme, “Tug-anan sa Power 91,” in which he discussed local political issues and conflict.

In the wake of the death of Edmund Sestoso (right), Philippine journalists are dismayed by the inaction of Duterte’s administration to bring media killers to justice and to defend press freedom. | Reporters Without Borders

It is not confirmed whether Sestoso’s death is linked to his work as a journalist, but Joel Sy Egco, the head of the PTFOMS, said that he is under the impression that Sestoso was targeted for his radio programme. Sestoso’s wife, Lourdes Sestoso, told ABS-CBN News that her husband had received threats related to his radio programme before his killing, but the nature and source of the threats were unspecified.

Again, the PTFOMS announced an investigation into Sestoso’s murder and stated that it is a “possibility” that his work as a journalist led to his death. Journalists are urging Duterte’s administration to take further measures to protect journalists in the Philippines.

“Authorities must leave no stone unturned in identifying and prosecuting those responsible for the heinous killing of journalist Edmund Sestoso,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Until President Rodrigo Duterte does more to break the cycle of impunity in media murders, these wanton killings will continue on his watch.”

A majority of media killings in the Philippines are left with unidentified shooters and unconfirmed motives. While this may be true, Que and Briones produced stories about drugs and the drug trade in the Philippines. Their coverage may have cost them their lives amidst the war on drugs. Local Philippine journalists, in general, are targeted for covering politics, corruption, business and crime.

For Sestoso, he seemed to have simply been doing his job as a journalist—as a watchdog over public affairs and government—but he just got caught in the crossfire.

“Don’t Gag the Press”

The PTFOMS may be in place, but so far, there is no evidence that the task force pursued attacks on journalists. Investigations into murders have not achieved any convictions.

On CPJ’s Global Impunity Index, a ranking of countries where journalists are killed and their assailants go free, the Philippines is ranked in fifth place. With no convictions being made and Duterte against the media as well, media killers continue to have the upper hand. In fact, according to the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR), only two perpetrators of violence against journalists have been convicted in the Philippines.

In the Philippines, the ones who are getting away with murder are government officials. Though government officials are not the ones actually killing journalists, Duterte’s verbal attacks on media pull the trigger and foster a culture of impunity. Within his first 22 months of presidency, 85 attacks on press freedom were recorded.

This has led some journalists to curtail their work and to censor themselves in order to avoid the risks.

“I have tremendous respect for Philippine journalists. The reason why they are self-censoring is because they’re afraid for their lives… They don’t want to be the next victim,” Peter Bouckaert, the emergencies director for Human Rights Watch, told Vice. “When the president says, ‘Just because you are a journalist, that doesn’t protect you from being assassinated,’ he means it.”

Without accountability for media killings, Philippine journalists have chosen to toe the line. In doing so, they cannot hold Duterte and the government accountable either.

To illustrate, CMFR Executive Director Melinda Quintos de Jesus said that there has been a striking decrease in stories critical of Duterte. Many journalists fear that the President would publicly humiliate them or go after their media organization.

De Jesus added that “mainstream media is controlled”, meaning that produced stories are “pro-administration.” The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) also noted that are few stories about whether or not Duterte has delivered on his campaign promises.

“That is the story that we’re missing out on. Auditing Mr. Duterte, accounting for his promises, delivering on the promises he made,” PCIJ Executive Director Malou Mangahas told CNN Philippines. “We’re missing out on the really important issues that the public really needs to know.”

The PTFOMS is supposed to be the solution to the dangerous situation that Philippine journalists are in. Despite their assurances that journalists are “safer” now, the government still poses a threat to media freedom.

Earlier this month, the Philippine House of Representatives issued plans for new regulations on media, by allowing Congress to ban reporters who “besmirch” the reputation of lawmakers. Ironically, the announcement was made on May 3, World Press Freedom Day.

These restrictions come as no surprise to Philippine journalists, especially since the regulations are just one of many attacks on the press by Duterte. From justifying death threats to blacklisting reporters, this latest assault on media freedom resonates loudly with journalists in the Philippines.

The human rights group, Human Rights Watch, urges the public to support its journalists in the Philippines.

“Filipino journalists, true to the tradition of political muckraking, corruption exposés, and wartime reporting, have often put their lives on the line, serving the Philippine people and democratic values in the process. It’s important that their efforts are supported – including by the Philippine Congress,” their statement read.

In Duterte’s Philippines, journalists are afraid, but that has not stopped them from doing their job.

Activists say, “don’t gag the press”, and Philippine journalists continue to band together to defend their press freedom. There may be a war on media in the Philippines, but media are fighting back—with their stories and with each other.

How to Report from the Philippines

When thinking about the most dangerous countries for journalists, the conversation tends to center on Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan and Mexico.

However, outside of these active war zones lies the Philippines—ranked among the top five most dangerous countries to be a journalist. In Asia, the Philippines is the deadliest country for journalists.

Source: RadioFreeEurope RadioLiberty

In 2017, four journalists in the Philippines were killed. Just this month another journalist was murdered.

The situation of the media is due in part to Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s anti-media rhetoric. After being sworn in as president in June 2016, Duterte made a cryptic comment that acted as a warning to Filipino journalists: “Just because you’re a journalist you are not exempted from assassination, if you’re a son of a bitch. Freedom of expression cannot help you if you have done something wrong,” Duterte said.

Filipino journalists are put in further risk with Duterte’s ongoing “war on drugs”: His notorious drug war has claimed 20,000 lives. Combined with his anti-journalist rhetoric, reporting in Duterte’s Philippines—during Dutere’s drug war—continues to put the lives of reporters on the line.

The State of Media under Duterte

The challenge for Filipino journalists is reporting on the “war on drugs” without being silenced by Duterte and his administration. For journalists and publications who have been openly critical of Duterte’s “war on drugs,” they have firsthand experience with this.

Duterte attacks the media for attacking him. He condemned journalists at the two largest news outlets in the country: including broadcast network, ABS-CBN, and leading national newspaper, Philippine Daily Inquirer. He has slammed these media for “not behaving”—or essentially not reporting on his regime and drug war as he sees fit. In July, Duterte forced the Inquirer to be sold to a Filipino billionaire he describes as a “fast friend.”

Most recently, the Philippines’ Security and Commission (SEC) revoked the license of the leading news website, Rappler, when its ownership came into question in January. Due to the fact that Duterte claimed that the website is “fully owned by Americans,” Rappler’s CEO Maria Ressa is fighting back with a nationwide movement to defend press freedom.

After the SEC revoked Rappler’s operating license, Ressa organized the #BlackFridayForPressFreedom rally in protest of what they see as a threat to press freedom. About 300 people were in attendance, including many youth supporters.| Rappler

Reporting in Duterte’s Philippines

The media is not the only target on Duterte’s radar.

Former chairperson of the Philippine Commission on Human Rights and former Secretary of the Department of Justice, Senator Leila de Lima, who is known as a vocal critic against Duterte has spent the past year in prison. Amnesty International condemned the arrest for being politically motivated.

“This is all meant to create a chilling effect—and it’s succeeded,” Ressa said. “It is meant to create acceptance for the war on drugs and the thousands of people who have been killed. It is meant to silence anyone who questions it.”

Given that those who have acted out against Duterte have been jailed, silenced and even killed, is it a good idea for a reporter to go to the Philippines? Only two perpetrators of violence against journalists have been convicted in the history of the Philippines, so what measure, if any, are made to protect reporters?

Although I am fairly confident in my knowledge of the country’s history, I am not confident in myself to go to the Philippines and report from this country.

Rappler’s editor-at-large Marites Vitug has said herself that the media is partially to blame for bringing Duterte to power. Now about two years into his presidency, his power has grown and he has shown no signs of stopping.

“Looking back, I think [the] fault of the Philippine media was that we did not take Duterte seriously. We only took him seriously maybe in the last month or the last two weeks of the campaign. So, that was our fault,” Vitug said.

In order for anyone to report from the Philippines, it’s important that they understand the situation that they are putting themselves in and that they take the actions of Duterte seriously. For young journalists like myself, it may be appealing to go to the Philippines for the adventure and for the chance to be part of this movement against Duterte.

However, the state of media in the Philippines is in danger and journalists are in a chokehold. There are journalists who have chosen to censor themselves in order to avoid risks.

For Filipino journalists within the Philippines, they must put themselves at risk every time they go out in the field and every time they make a story public. For me, I can choose whether or not I want to be on the sidelines with local Filipino journalists. For now, I decide to be realistic, to acknowledge the dangers, and to choose not to go.

Filipino Journalism in Danger

The Philippines is in conflict and Filipino journalists are hoping to change that with the media on their side.

Although, with President Rodrigo Duterte fighting from the other side, journalism and reporters continue to be attacked.

During his presidential campaign, Duterte ran on a promise to end the war on drugs. However, he and his administration are now not only up against a war on drugs but also a war on the media.

Duterte criticizes news media for being critical of him. Most recently, the leading news site, Rappler, had its operating license revoked. The publication’s ownership came into question by the Philippines’ Security and Exchange Council.

As Duterte claimed that the website is “fully owned by Americans”, Rappler’s CEO Maria Ressa fought back. Due to the fact that Rappler is known for being critical of Duterte and his drug war, Ressa believes that this investigation is politically motivated—and is “an attack on press freedom to the world.”

https://twitter.com/itsenzoyabish/status/952877226948620290?tfw_creator=BBCWorld&tfw_site=BBCWorld&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.bbc.com%2Fnews%2Fworld-asia-42713897

Peace Reporting Leads to No Peace

The main goal of Rappler journalists is to create social change, but this desire for change comes at a cost: it put their publication at risk and it puts themselves in danger.

Filipino journalists like those at Rappler have taken on the role of peace reporters. More Philippine journalists are becoming more socially responsible in order to be part of the attempt to resolve conflict in the Philippines—namely Duterte’s war on drugs. About 85 percent of Filipino journalists see themselves as advocates for social change.

Rappler especially aligns themselves with peace reporting, as they believe that “uncompromised journalism” can fix the country’s social problems. Their news coverage of Duterte features bold headlines and highlights faults in Duterte’s drug war efforts.

While Philippine journalists as peace reporters are hoping to advocate for change alongside the public, most citizens have a different idea. The polls show that most Filipinos support Duterte for promising to eradicate the drug problem in their country. In the fall of 2016 after his election, Duterte received an approval rating of 86 percent.

For Duterte, he sees this as a mandate to continue with his brutal drug war. For journalists, this strengthens a culture of impunity and makes their job as reporters even more difficult.

This doesn’t mean that journalists are backing down.

Other publications such as The Philippine Daily Inquirer also act as a check on Duterte’s power and hold him accountable. For example, The Inquirer has made a running list tallying the drug war casualties public—that is until their access to information from the police was cut off.

Philippine peace reporters trust that the power of journalism will provoke social change, but being able to report all the details is an obstacle in itself.

Covering the Drug War

The biggest risk that comes with being a peace reporter in the Philippines is possible death in covering Duterte’s drug war. The war on drugs claimed over 12, 000 lives since its inception on June 30, 2016. Gunshots don’t discriminate against journalists: four Philippine journalists were killed on the job in 2017.

The coverage of the war on drugs in the Philippines has transformed journalists into government targets, peace reporters and nightcrawlers. Nightcrawlers are part of a new beat of Philippine photojournalism; they are photographers who specifically cover Duterte’s war on drugs.

Each night, these photojournalists meet at the Ermita police station in downtown Manila and wait to hear about the latest killing. Once they get the word, they race to the scene before the body is taken away by authorities. Their work provides the photojournalists with a unique insight of the story and impactful photos.

One photo stands out from the rest to the nightcrawlers. After Michael Siaron—an alleged drug pusher and pedicab driver—was shot dead by an unknown gunman, his partner Jennilyn Olayres rushed over the police lines to hold to his dead body.

The nightcrawlers said this image was unlike any that they have captured before since most of the time families are not allowed past the police lines. | CNN

Nightcrawler Linus Guardian Escandor II told the Los Angeles Times that taking these photos at night puts them in a different perspective.

“In the morning, if you shoot dead people, it’s gory, but at night it’s almost beautiful,” Escandor said. “You can hide the blood, because of the shadows. It’s psychedelic, the colors.”

Escandor and other nightcrawlers spend their nights looking for “The Shot”—a photo that is raw and heartbreaking. As there are many Filipinos who still support Duterte’s efforts in his war on drugs, nightcrawlers like Escandor hopes that these photos will shed light on the crackdown’s human cost: in order to change the tide of public opinion on the drug war and to change the conversation.

A Typical Filipino Journalist

The Philippines is among the top five most dangerous countries for journalists around the globe and is the deadliest country in Asia, according to Reporters without Borders. Nevertheless, this hasn’t stopped journalists from being journalists.

Philippine journalists tend to have long journalism experience and on average are about 38 years old, and on average, their careers span about 14 years. Getting into the field is accessible for both men and women: the field is nearly split almost evenly with about 51 percent of journalists identifying as female. For young journalists especially, this shows promise.

New graduates can expect to make about 19, 800 pesos, or about 375 U.S. dollars, a month as a journalist. In the Philippines, journalism is the fifth top paying job for fresh graduates. On the other hand, older journalists make almost double the amount of their younger counterparts—about 40, 700 pesos or 380 U.S. dollars.

Most Filipino journalists also hold a degree in journalism or communication: an estimated 93 percent of journalists have either a university degree or a master’s degree. They are well-educated and well-trained within the field.

Professionals Fighting for the Profession

Getting into the field is not too difficult for Filipino journalists, but the journalistic community itself still has its problems. In a young democracy like the Philippines, a lot rides on the shoulders of its journalists, and there simply is not enough structural support for them.

One of the most important problems is difficulty in information access. Access to information would give citizens tools to evaluate and hold the government accountable. This lack of access, however, enables government officials like Duterte the power to withhold such information.

Despite downfalls within the field, Filipino journalists are rising to prominence as they tackle these problems head-on. More specifically, female journalists are spearheading these movements, gaining support from fellow reporters and inspiring youth to continue to hold their government accountable.

Among these strong female journalists includes Marites Vitug, who is currently Rappler’s editor-at-large. Vitug gained the respect of media peers around the globe for reporting on the corruption and abuse within the logging industry.

Marites Vitug | Rappler

Her reporting was later featured in a 1991 New York Times special report called ‘Dangerous Assignments’ by U.S. journalist Peter Jennings. That same year, Vitug was given the Courage in Journalism Award by the International Women’s Media Foundation.

Later in her journalistic career, Vitug helped Ressa start Rappler in 2012; and the news outlet has become a haven for female journalists. There, Philippine female writers and reporters work alongside each other to shape and reshape the profession.

Standing up to bullies in the government is a tradition for Filipino women journalists. Philippine journalism’s next leading woman is none other than Vitug’s colleage, Maria Ressa. At Duterte’s hands, Rappler lost its license; Duterte is determined to control the narrative about him.

Ressa’s January #BlackFridayForPressFreedom rally confronts Duterte’s action and encourages journalists—both young and old—to fight for their right to report.

Filipino journalism is in danger, but there are those like Ressa who are rising up to the challenge to defend press freedom. In this battle, the media sides with Ressa and she calls on others to join the movement with her: “We’re going to hold the line. We’re doing journalism. We’re speaking truth to power. We’re not afraid and we won’t be intimidated.”

Philippine News Coverage Has Ripple Effect

Philippine news creates ripples outside of its own territory and into foreign coverage.

The Philippine media aims to create social change to improve their country: a task that is rather difficult given the media coverage the country receives beyond its borders.

Rappler is the leading online news site in the Philippines with a goal to “rap or  “discuss” and to “ripple” or “make waves” in order to create a new tide of investigative journalism that energizes communities to advocate for social change.

However, President Rodrigo Duterte creates hoops for Filipino journalists to jump through. Duterte has attacked media outlets including Rappler and has even used U.S. President Donald Trump’s term “fake news” to label media outlets he dislikes.

Rappler, among other Philippine news organizations, is committed to uncompromised journalism: to inspire its people to be part of the conversation and to make a change.

In order to deliver on such promises, Rappler utilizes a patented Mood Meter. The site states on its about page that, “Globally, emotions are spreading quickly through large swathes of societies with both positive and negative effects.” The Mood Meter enables their journalists to be aware of what the public needs and the public becomes aware of what they need from their journalists.

International Comparison of Mood Meter

Interestingly enough, local Filipino journalists and foreign journalists pursue different angles to different stories and thus emit different emotions.

Take the recent closure of Boracay Island, known to attract tourists with its resorts and white powder sand beaches. Duterte ordered for the island’s rehabilitation and called the island a “cesspool.” He saw it unfit to host visitors in its current state due to high levels of coliform—bacteria sewage and fecal waste—that outlined the shores with a green algae-like film.

In the coverage following the shutdown, local Filipino journalists dug deeper. For example, a reporter for Rappler produced a piece that detailed the history of the island.

The article was not biased to show the positives of the island as it acknowledges the first warning signs that led up to Boracay’s closure. A local journalist gave a local context to this story in a way to make it more meaningful to its local audiences.

On the Mood Meter, the majority of readers—about 43 percent—said the story made them happy. Clearly, the content choices made kept the Filipino readers in mind, covering more than the facts of Boracay’s closure, but also the history of the beloved island.

However, if you take this same story to a foreign country, such as to the U.S., a different story is told. News outlets in the U.S. such as The New York Times, The Washington Post, and National Public Radio (NPR) took a different approach. By simply reading the headlines, “Closing of Philippine Tourist Hub Stirs Fears of Military Takeover”, “Workers head home, look for other jobs as Boracay closes”, “As Philippines Shuts Down a Popular Tourist Island, Residents Fear For Their Future”, any reader can expect to learn more about the negative impact of the closure.

No history. No context. No understanding of the entire spectrum of sides to this story.

Added media to these stories align with this theme that U.S. news outlets have created: the Philippines is an underdeveloped country in need of foreign help (or rather pity) to come out of situations like these.

Bags of sewage fill an alley on Boracay Island. Michael Sullivan | NPR

Philippine media coverage aligns with Rappler’s goals of engaging with their Filipino communities, by telling the story through a more local lens and drawing on national history. Foreign outlets, however, lack the in-depth historical context and present a more general perspective.

Duly noted though, outlets such as NPR do include voices from “real” Filipino citizens, but the chosen quotes paint a dismal picture of the Philippines and its residents as incapable and helpless. For example, one source in NPR’s story said, “If we have no job, where are we going to find our basic needs, our food to help our families?”

Filipino voices are not missing, but the variety and diversity of voices are.

Duterte in the Spotlight

For U.S. outlets, it seems that the theme for Philippine coverage must somehow relate to the state of the nation under Duterte’s administration. Oftentimes this means more coverage that spotlights the downfalls of Duterte as the Philippines’ leader, namely for inciting fear among average citizens and journalists alike.

This trend holds true in Philippine media as well. News outlets in the Philippines are more attentive to local issues and offer a wider variety of coverage, from the environment to technology to presidential elections.

Nevertheless, this does not mean that stories and articles do not stray away from Duterte and his administration. Rather, such news is multi-faceted and presents more aspects of Duterte’s administration. Rappler, especially known for being critical of Duterte’s administration headlines stories that adhere to this notion.

For example, their most recent top news story—“Unemployment rises under Duterte’s watch”—manifests the uncompromised journalism that they pride themselves on. The body of the story, shown below, seems to exhibit a bias against Duterte, explicitly calling him out for not fulfilling the promises that he ran on.

Creating Ripples

News outlets in both the Philippines and in the U.S. centralize their news coverage on Duterte. Even in comparison to recent news events such as the Boracay closure, attack on Rappler and its CEO Maria Ressa and the notorious drug war in the Philippines, Duterte dominates the media.

Google Trends Comparison in the U.S. between Rodrigo Duterte, Philippine Drug War, Boracay Closure, Rappler and Maria Ressa. Blue represents Rodrigo Duterte, red represents Philippine Drug War, yellow represents Boracay Closure, green represents Rappler and purple represents Maria Ressa.

Google Trends Comparison in the Philippines using the same topics in the graph above.

By simply browsing through The New York Times‘s archives on the Philippines, more and more people seem to take interest in Duterte from across the globe. From a general overview, U.S. news outlets and Philippine news outlets do not differ much in story choices.

These news coverage choices are creating ripples that connect the U.S. and the Philippines in more ways than one: starting with both presidents. Duterte and U.S. President Trump are two of the world’s most outspoken leaders and have maintained a rather friendly relationship since their elections.

Along these same lines, Filipino journalists have dubbed Duterte as, “Donald Duterte”, mocking the striking similarities that are characteristic to both leaders—so much so that even Americans and Filipinos have trouble distinguishing who said what.

Through their access to international news, it is not surprising that the two readily pool from a shared network of ideas. For example, President Trump has praised Duterte’s war on drugs, despite brutality, fear and thousands of killings that would make audiences think the opposite. Furthermore, Duterte also draws inspiration from Trump’s anti-media rhetoric, adding fuel to the fire in his battle against “fake news” and namely Rappler.

Some go as far as labeling journalists spies (and then kill them for that) https://t.co/MOCfqkbHyY #duterte #trump #marcos

— Dr. Roy Schestowitz (罗伊) (@schestowitz) April 12, 2018

More eyes are on Duterte in his growing relationship with Trump and therefore U.S. relations. How the news media covers this is a story in itself.

News regarding Duterte is more relevant to the Filipino public, but the focus in coverage on Duterte and his administration is becoming more and more prominent elsewhere and especially in the U.S. It is clear then that news in the Philippines piques interests elsewhere.

From the Philippines to its “friendly” neighbors in the U.S., Philippine news is making ripples.

Media are Kapamilya

Kapamilya, a slogan adopted by one of the major Philippine media networks, translates to “one at heart.” As Internet usage and media engagement grows, Filipinos gain greater access to media. Thanks to media, Filipinos can become “Kapamilya.”

Lively entertainment shows, films and comedies dominate Philippine media. On the other hand, for Filipinos who engage with media for their news updates, it has become increasingly more difficult to access information that is not at the behest of commercial and political interests.

Similar to U.S. President Trump, sitting president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte runs on an anti-media rhetoric. Duterte labels media outlets he dislikes as “fake news”—which has gained enough traction to revoke the operating license of news media company Rappler, known to be critical of Duterte’s administration.

Filipino journalists and their supporters protest against Duterte’s move to revoke the operating license of Rappler and show favor to freedom of the press. | Picture: AFP, Source: AFP

Despite a clear indication that media coverage—or the lack thereof—is vulnerable to governmental censorship, a Global Attitudes Survey conducted by the Pew Research Center contradicts that: About 83 percent of surveyed Filipinos believe that news media cover government well.

The government is unhappy with media, but the public is not. Rappler has yet to be completely shut down. If and when that does happen, where exactly will that leave the Filipino media? Where does it stand now?

Television Domination

The Philippine media landscape is branded as a multimedia market that offers consumers print, online, radio and television media.

According to BBC News, the Philippines has more than 600 radio stations and 500 newspaper titles. However, a duopoly exists between two major cable networks—ABS-CBN Corporation and GMA Network Incorporated—and places television media on top. These networks reach anywhere from 81 to 98 percent of the Filipino public.

Although Internet use is continually on the rise, as the amount of Internet users has increased by 7 percent within the last year, the most popular medium will remain television in the upcoming years.

According to CNN Philippines, media intelligence firm Kantar Media reveals that 96.6 percent of Filipinos watch television daily.

Source: CNN Philippines

Cable television is more accessible to those in rural areas and even some networks broadcast in local languages. With about 55.7 percent of the total Filipino population living in rural areas and 150 different dialects spoken, television has the most extensive influence out of all other media forms.

Duopoly in Control

Since television is the most accessible type of media in the Philippines, the two major network companies—ABS-CBN Corporation and GMA Network—subsequently own a vast majority of media holdings. Known as the Big Two, these networks are commercially driven and essentially run the media market.

According to the Media Ownership Monitor, the two media conglomerates have a combined market share of 79.44 percent. The Big Two also reach 80.72 of the Filipino audience through their individual TV channels and amass 47.2 percent of FM radio listenership.

ABS-CBN Corporation and GMA Network are the most watched, most listened to and most clicked on media companies. Together, they offer a cross-media presence in every form.

Television is the most popular media and is controlled by one of the two networks, but there is more depth to this medium. According to the Philippine Trust Index, 89 percent of the Filipino public lists television as the most trusted source of political information. With that in mind, ABS-CBN Corporation and GMA Network greatly influence public opinion.

Increased Media Access

Television and radio are the most used media forms in the Philippines, but online usage and especially social media usage are also prominent in the country.

According to Hootsuite, a U.S.-based social media platform, the Philippines has an Internet penetration rate of 63 percent. Accordingly, the Philippines is the twelfth country with the highest number of internet users.

Source: Hootsuite’s “Digital in 2018 Global Overview” Report

More Filipinos are going online, but more are also going mobile. About 58 percent of the population is a mobile phone user.

This goes on to add that about 42 percent of those with Internet access are also active on social media. This means that about 9 in 10 of those users access their chosen platforms via mobile devices.

This increased access means increased use of social media. The Philippines is the world’s top social media user, and their most used platform is Facebook. The average Filipino spends four hours and 17 minutes on social media per day.

Only 27 percent of Filipinos use social media for news, despite the platform’s popularity. More and more Filipinos seem to be using media as means to connect with their environment nationally and internationally.

Maria Ressa and Rappler…

News media are too using social media to stay connected to the public that they serve. Nevertheless, the government is politically driven to alter the state of media as Filipinos have come to know and appreciate it. Currently, at the center of attention in the realm of news media is the battle between Maria Ressa and President Duterte.

Maria Ressa is a Filipina journalist who co-founded the leading social news network site, Rappler in 2012. Ressa has 25 years of journalistic experience under her belt, and her most prominent role was CNN’s bureau chief in Manila and Jakarta. Later as CNN’s lead investigative reporter, she focused her efforts on terrorism in Southeast Asia.

Maria Ressa | Source: Southeast Asia Globe

In addition to CNN, Ressa managed the News and Current Affairs team for ABS-CBN. However, Ressa wanted to redirect her journalistic efforts away from the television network, and thus led her to spearhead the efforts of founding Rappler—in which she now serves as its CEO and executive director.

The aim of Rappler for Ressa was to redefine journalism. What sets Rappler apart, for her, is that it is a digital-first platform that relies on independent reporting. Ressa pushed the team of mostly female journalists to use social media as a method for digital marketing and gaining web-traffic.

“I think we have the business model that this entire news industry is looking for,” Ressa told the Southeast Asia Globe. “For traditional media the growth curve is linear. Right now in the US, it’s declining. But if you combine traditional media with tech, the growth curve is phenomenal.”

The word Rappler comes from the root words “rap”, or to discuss, and “ripple”, or to make waves. Stated on their about page, the name is meant to inspire its journalists and the community to enter a “new world of limitless collaboration enabled by new technology and connected by social media.”

Veteran journalists, such as Ressa herself, are responsible for the range of broadcast, print and web coverage. Through a nationwide chat initiative, Rappler journalists are running workshops to actively interconnect with the public.

Rappler, like Ressa herself, is fixated on engaging the public through the power of social media and new technology to create social change.

…Take on Duterte

Rappler’s next goal for social change: change the fate that President Duterte handed the news platform.

Rappler is known for its critical coverage of Duterte’s drug war, and on Jan. 16, the news media company had its operating license revoked. The decision was based on the Philippines’ Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) citation that the news site violated the country’s constitution. The SEC questioned if Rappler has Filipino ownership, and Duterte further claims that the website is “fully owned by Americans.”

Although Ressa is petite, her goals—and words—pack a punch. Ressa believes that President Duterte has a political agenda against Rappler and is responsible for the investigation of their ownership. While other news organizations have kept quiet, Ressa publically denounces this “attack on press freedom to the world.”

In an effort to save Rappler and defend freedom of the press in the Philippines, Ressa is at the forefront of this battle against Duterte’s government. Ressa has called Duterte out for targeting journalists and plans to continue this fight in the Supreme Court.

For many campaigners, the fight for press freedom intertwines with the fight for democracy itself. If media are kapamilya, the outcome of this battle will send a message to Filipinos and the world where it stands on the issue of press freedom.

Mabuhay the Philippines

Welcome to the Philippines: “Mabuhay ang Philippines,” or “Long live the Philippines!”

Located off the Southeast Asian continent and fixated in the South China Sea, the Philippines is an island nation. According to the BBC, this maritime archipelago is comprised of about 7, 000 islands. It is no surprise that tourists come to visit for its secret beaches and tropical outdoors scene.

Known for its picturesque beaches, the Philippines is often marketed as a tropical paradise to attract tourists.

Historical Background

However, the Philippines was not always known as this tropical oasis. In a timeline as according to Philippine History, the country has gone through colonization and wars to become what it is today.

• 1521 – The islands were discovered by Ferdinand Magellan.
• 1542 – A Spanish expedition led by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos led to the colonization of the islands by Spain. Named after Prince Philip, the Philippines was under Spanish control.
• 1898 – American warship Maine was blown up in the Battle of Manila Bay. The Spanish-American War ensued.
• 1899 – Once the Treaty of Paris ends the Spanish-American war, the Philippines is ceded to the United States.
• 1899 – Recognized as the first president of the Philippines, Emilio Aguinaldo declared independence from the U.S. This put the Philippines in a guerrilla war against the U.S.
• 1901-1902 – Aguinaldo is captured by the U.S. and William Howard Taft becomes the Philippines’ first U.S. governor. There, Taft implemented a number of policies and programs that westernized the country. For example, Taft implemented the “Pensionada” program which allowed Filipinos to study in the U.S.
• 1934 – The Tydings-McDuffie Law is approved by U.S. Congress, which promised the independence of the islands by 1946.
• 1935 – The Philippines became a commonwealth with Manuel Quezon elected as president to prepare the country’s transition to independence.
• 1942 – During World War II, the islands were forced under Japanese control.
• 1946 – After fighting together with the U.S. to regain control from Japan, the Republic of the Philippines achieved independence from the U.S.
• 1972 – Ferdinand Marcos was president and declared martial law, that changed the government as a parliamentary form.
• 1992 – Fidel Ramos was elected president, and the U.S. ended its military presence on the islands.

People and Society

The Philippines is home to about 104 million people, according to the BBC. As a collective ethnic nationality, the Philippine people are known as Filipinos.

However, according to Britannica, there are about 100 culturally and linguistically different ethnic groups. Additionally, there are many subgroups of immigrant and indigenous people to make up the rest of the Philippines’ population. Mixed interaction with Chinese nationals, emigrants from India, U.S. and Spain diversify the population ethnically and culturally.

Ethnic composition of the Philippines by color. | ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC)

It is estimated that there are about 150 different dialects spoken in the Philippines, and these languages tend to correspond by ethnic group. For example, the most widespread language among the Central Philippine subgroup is Tagalog. The Philippines’ national language, Pilipino or Filipino, is based on Tagalog. Filipino and English are the official languages. In the north, of the Northern Luzon subgroup, Ilocano is most commonly spoken, and Ilocano is subsequently marked as the country’s third largest language community.

Although the islands are seemingly divided by language and ethnicity, the bulk of its people—about four-fifths—religiously identify as Roman Catholic. According to Britannica, after 1970 the religion gained its presence in the Philippines through increased association of the church in political and social life. The Philippine Independent Church is the second largest religion, which protested against the Roman Catholic church. Other religions such as Islam and Buddhism that were brought by immigrants are also practiced among the population there.

Since World War II, the population has significantly moved from rural areas to urban city areas. Even more so, there is also a high number of Filipinos who emigrate to the U.S., Okinawa, Canada and Guam in search of professional or manual labor.

Government

As a unitary state, the Philippines’ president is the leader of both the state and national governments. According to World Atlas, the government is similar to a U.S. style of government in which powers are divided amongst three branches—legislative, judicial and executive—with a constitution that dictates the law of the land.

Accordingly, the legislature in the Philippines is a bicameral Congress with the Senate as the upper house and the House of Representatives as the lower house. Congressmen here experience term limits just like those of the U.S. The Constitution of the Philippines grants the judicial branch, the Supreme Court and its lower courts, judicial power. Again, similarly to the U.S., the president appoints justices. The president is elected by popular vote and is given their powers as enumerated in the Constitution.

Former President Benigno Aquino III delivers his 2011 State of the Nation Address before the Congress of the Philippines.

Unlike, the U.S. though, the political scene is in the Philippines is constantly changing. Political parties are constantly forming, re-forming, diverging and converging. As the country is marked by cultural and linguistic division, so are its political parties. Interestingly, according to Britannica, political victories are won through a party coalition or combined efforts of different parties.

Although the political process is fairly similar to the U.S. and through that perspective seems successful. However, militant political organizations also thrive that may produce fear among Filipinos. Organizations such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) or the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) are fundamentally Muslim, committed to achieving an Islamic state or making use of international terrorism.

As the president is given the head of both state and national governments, they are given a questionable amount of control. The current leader, President Rodrigo Duterte, ran on an anti-drug campaign. Upon his election, according to the BBC, he has stirred controversy by calling on citizens and police to “conduct extra-judicial killings of suspects.”

President Duterte has also publically announced his desire to dissolve relations with the U.S. in preference of China. As one of the Philippines’ internal conflicts arises from the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), how Duterte’s administration handles such conflicts while courting China will be an obstacle in itself.

Economy

The Philippines largest industry is within agriculture. With the country’s fertile soils, crops can be grown year-round, and according to Britannica, the agricultural sector contributes to one-third of the country’s workforce and one-seventh of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Agricultural products such as rice, coconuts, and corn are considerably cultivated the most. The Philippines is actually one the world’s largest producers of coconuts and coconut products.

Rice is one of the largest contributors to the country’s agricultural sector. Rice is the principal crop there with one-fourth of total farmland dedicated to rice growing.

Forestry was once a large industry as well, and hardwoods exports were used in the cabinetmaking business. According to Britannica, trees continue to provide wood for lumber, veneer, plywood, furniture, wallboard, pulp and paper and other building materials that are consumed at home and abroad, despite the fact there has been a ban on hardwoods exports since the mid-1980s.

Mining activities constitute a small amount of the nation’s GDP. This has led to the Philippines’ dependence on foreign oil. However, the construction of geothermal and conventional coal-fired thermal plants have lessened that need for imports.

The manufacturing sector provides about one-fourth of the country’s GDP. Among the major manufacturers include garments and textile products and petroleum products. Though the sector is stable, it employs less than one-tenth of the nation’s workforce.

Currently, the Philippines’ GDP growth rate is 6.7 percent, and according to the Asian Development Bank, this marks the Philippines one of the fastest growing Southeast Asian economies this year. The agriculture, forestry, fishing, resource mining and manufacturing industries all supply the country’s GDP.

Unfortunately, this success does not translate into its poverty rate. In 2015, 21.6 percent of the population lived below the national poverty line. There are a number of labor jobs in industries such as farming fishing, but poverty incidence among both employed and unemployed Filipinos is still prominent. According to the Philippine Statistics Authority, 18 percent of employed Filipinos who belong to a poor family live in poverty and 16.4 percent of unemployed Filipinos who belong to a poor family lived in poverty.

There are successes and innovations in industries that increase the economic GDP growth, but poverty remains a large issue in the Philippines.

Conflicts and Disputes

Southern areas in the Philippines are historically plagued by conflict with armed groups such as Muslim separatists, communists, clan militias and criminal groups. According to the BBC, most of this southern conflict is in remote islands of Mindanao, Basilan and Jolo.

The sources of internal conflict in the Philippines are the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), MNLF and ASG are the three Muslim separationist groups. On the other hand, there are also the communists organized by the CPP’s military wing, the New People’s Army (NPA).

In 1996, the MNLF signed a peace agreement with the government. Since then, their movement has grown weaker. However, there are factions who splintered from this main group.  One of them is the MILF. Considered the country’s largest rebel group, the MILF aims to create a separate Islamic state in the southern Philippines.

The ASG is the most radical Islamic separatist group. While U.S. troops have helped the Philippine military fight the ASG, their aid is limited by the Philippine Constitution which bans foreign groups from taking a strong role in combat, according to the BBC.

President Rodrigo Duterte is the Philippines’ current president. He and his administration are expected to come up with a plan to create peace with separatist and communist groups.

According to the Asia Times, presently under Duterte, his administration is analyzing solutions to disarming the MILF. Since the MILF originally split from the MNFL, history indicates that this will not be easily solvable. Duterte’s administration is also strategizing how to initiate peace talks with Isis-linked ASG and communist NPA.

The Philippines is currently ranked 139th out of 163 states and territories in the Global Peace Index. While the process of achieving peace is complex, Duterte’s public trust is high and Filipinos still believe in him and his capabilities. If Duterte is successful, he will be the first Philippine president to end all insurgencies since the 1970s and establish peace.

Mabuhay to the Philippines: a long road for peace and prosperity lies ahead.